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Children raised by same-sex (lesbian or gay) parents do not differ from children of different-sex parents in psychological adjustment, cognitive ability, or social development; what predicts child outcomes is family process — parenting quality, parental well-being, stigma, and support — not parental sexual orientation.
Maternal (and more broadly parental) depression is a well-replicated risk factor for children's emotional, behavioral, and cognitive difficulties; the average associations are small, are strongest when the depression is severe and chronic, extend from infancy into adolescence, and diminish when the parent's depression is effectively treated.
Children in stepfamilies show, on average, somewhat more behavioral and academic difficulties than children in intact two-biological-parent families, but the differences are modest and are driven far more by the quality of the stepparent-child relationship and family process than by stepfamily structure itself; warm, involved stepparent relationships predict better child outcomes.
Custody and divorce mediation, compared with litigation, settles disputes faster and with higher party satisfaction and durable improvements in nonresidential-parent involvement and coparenting — benefits visible up to 12 years later in a randomized trial — without increasing conflict; however, benefits are not symmetric across parents and, in high-conflict or intimate-partner-violence cases, mediation requires safety protocols and shows no clear advantage over litigation.
Parental corporal punishment (spanking) is associated with more child aggression, behavior problems, and other adverse outcomes — never with developmental benefit — across meta-analyses, 69 prospective studies, quasi-experimental matching designs, and 92 countries; average effects are modest and the causal magnitude, though not the direction, is debated.
Children in joint physical custody (living roughly 35% or more of the time with each parent) tend to show equal or better behavioral, emotional, academic, and relational outcomes than children in sole physical custody, and outcomes similar to children in intact families; but the evidence is observational and subject to selection, so joint custody is not established as beneficial for every family — particularly under severe ongoing conflict or family violence.
Involved (non-custodial) grandparents are associated with modestly better grandchild adjustment — fewer emotional and behavioral problems and more prosocial behavior — with the protective association strongest in single-parent, divorced, or high-adversity families; the evidence is correlational and confounded, effects are small, and custodial grandparent care shows the opposite association, driven by the adversity that necessitated it.
A small, methodologically limited body of research suggests that post-separation relocation that increases a child's distance from a parent is, on average, associated with somewhat worse adjustment; the evidence is thin, largely retrospective or cross-sectional, confounded by conflict and selection, and the field's own experts conclude it supports no presumption either for or against relocation.
Whether frequent overnight separations from a primary caregiver affect attachment security and adjustment in infants and toddlers is genuinely contested: some studies link frequent overnights to greater attachment insecurity and dysregulation in the youngest children, but the effects are small, inconsistent, and better explained by parental conflict and caregiving quality than by overnights themselves — so the science supports neither a blanket pro- nor anti-overnight presumption.